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The remainder of the readings consist of eleven different selections, which are chapters, articles, and excerpts from a variety of primary sources and secondary materials. These selections have been photocopied and are available in a packet for sale at the Suzzallo Copy Center, 5th floor, Suzzallo Library.
Lincoln, Additional readings will be mentioned throughout the course, and you should feel free to inquire about them. Goals of the Course One major goal of HSTAA is to have students become familiar with the course content as presented in the different venues and be able to write effectively about it in a mixture of assignments.
This entails learning a variety of facts about and perspectives on the Pacific Northwest�one kind of thinking. Some memorization is involved, as is close and careful reading. It is also important to link past events and trends with present-day conditions. Historical thinking entails: the recognition of complexity, ambiguity, and uncertainty in human affairs; the development of a critical�and often skeptical�attitude toward sources of information; and the understanding that events occur sequentially and that the sequence matters.
Historical thinking also requires that one try to understand past events and trends from the different points of view that people living at the time had, and to recognize that those points of view from the past are generally substantially different from our own today. To encourage better historical thinking, HSTAA relies on a good deal of reading of primary sources, i. On at least one occasion, students must write a short paper about the primary-source documents they are readings.
Students are also asked to read and write about secondary sources , i. Finally, the course requires that students write their own research papers, based at least in part on the reading of primary sources, to demonstrate their own abilities to read sources critically and to think and write historically.
Coming to terms with the past requires that one impose some intellectual order on the numerous, diverse, sometimes chaotic set of facts from previous times, to make connections between different trends and events and historical persons. This is done by working carefully with concepts that help to clarify the past by explaining patterns in historical development. Conceptual thinking links various events together.
For example, conceptual thinking has produced the three major themes of this course relations between diverse peoples; relations between peoples and environs; and the emergence of regional identities and it also has enabled us to divide the course chronologically into two cogent periods. Conceptual thinking also links local and regional history to broader contexts, such as national and international developments. For example, the lateth-century rise of the fur trade in the Pacific Northwest and the lateth-century emergence of the logging and fishing industries can both be regarded as aspects of a changing global system of market capitalism.
Conceptual thinking permits us to pull together selectively a variety of issues, sources, and events into explanations of the past. Students will be asked to develop such explanations in essays composed for a midterm and a final examination.
Essay exams require the integration of material from all parts of the course�lectures, readings, discussion sections�into essays that argue a thesis in response to an exam question, and demonstrate historical and conceptual thinking. In recent years it has seemed that people in the Pacific Northwest i. The first is a growing identification with salmon. As runs of wild Pacific salmon have become threatened, people in the region have latched on to them as a critical symbol of Pacific Northwest identity.
I take up the issue of the salmon in the next lesson. The second thing we have in common is California , or, I should say, a pronounced aversion to California and all things and people Californian. Many people in Idaho, Oregon, and Washington have developed strong opinions about California and Californians in recent times.
Oregon actually led the way during the s, with a both humorous and serious campaign to keep Californians away. Washington and Idaho became more vociferous during the s and s.
The anti-Californian sentiment first crested in the Seattle area during the late s. I took note of the trend, and started discussing it with students in my classes on Pacific Northwest history. I also started surveying students in my courses as a way of examining attitudes toward California and Californians, and tracking their change over time.
I only consider the attitudes of students from western Washington toward California and Californians. Students from areas other than western Washington are requested to answer different questions, which are also discussed below. If you are a registered student in HSTAA , you have been asked to fill out a this survey, and your responses are being added to my data. It is important to realize that newcomers in the Northwest from California have clearly gotten the message.
Or, consider the findings of Californian sociologist Glenn T. Tsunokai found what could be described as a substantial amount of prejudice. Sixty-eight percent of Oregonians believed that Californians would bring about negative changes in their communities by moving there; only twenty-four percent of the respondents said the same thing about Washingtonians. When interviewed for a newspaper story, Tsunokai said that he was not so afraid of Oregonians that he would not move there.
A Piece of the California Dream below. Claudia K. Jurmain and James J. Copyright, The Oakland Museum. Now, speaking about California may not seem to be the most logical way of starting a course on the Pacific Northwest, but I find these recent attitudes toward California and Californians quite revealing.
I do not think that we learn much from them about the people and society of California. After all, they are stereotypes that tell us more about the people who hold them than they do about those they are intended to depict. I propose to analyze these images for what they tell us about Pacific Northwesterners. That is, I want to suggest: that matters that seem simple on the surface are not so simple; that we need to examine both our own assumptions and the conventional wisdom around us, and not accept them uncritically; and that we can arrive at a better understanding of the present by placing it in historical perspective�that is, by seeing it as a continuation or modification of patterns of the past.
First, anti-California attitudes contradict our own perceptions of ourselves. Indeed, the region has a reputation for being polite and friendly. Moreover, they tend to see people from Washington as basically similar to them. Washingtonians return the favor. When I survey my classes about their attitudes toward Californians, I also ask what they think about Oregonians.
My students from western Washington have looked upon Oregon and Oregonians rather favorably. See the sixth point. Second, we ought to be careful about what we say regarding other people, because we may have the same things being said about us.
As part of surveying students in my courses, I have asked those from eastern Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Alaska, and Montana to write down the phrases that come to mind when they think of Seattle or Seattleites. In response, about half of the students have offered terms that echo very closely the phrases that students from western Washington employ to describe California and Californians�i.
In the later s a number of western-Washington companies, like Seafirst Bank and Boeing, began putting new offices in Spokane rather than around Seattle. A major reason was that Spokane had less congestion and lower housing costs, and employees there tended to be more stable, more contented, more productive, and more likely not to belong to unions.
A Seattle Times article of Oct. In sum, there were many in the Northwest�including many Portland residents�who felt that Seattle had become too big or its own good, just as people from western Washington thought that California had become too big for its own good. Clearly, perceptions of places and peoples are relative. Third, perceptions of the influence of Californians upon the Pacific Northwest may well have been mistaken.
In recent years, one of the widespread ideas about Californians in the Pacific Northwest has been that they have greatly exacerbated many of the social and urban problems of the region. One problem with this sort of explanation is that it overstates the influence of newcomers from the Golden State by overestimating their numbers. When Seattle became particularly nervous about the impact of Californians in the late s, there existed a widespread perception that Californians were overrunning the place as they tried to escape their own overgrown cities.
Recalling that Oregon had been first, in the s, actually to campaign against Californians, one might conclude that the state was exporting to Washington not only its people but also its well-developed anti-California sentiments.
In other words, for every one newcomer from California in , there were roughly ten babies born to Washington parents. The state was, in truth, the greatest source of its own population increase. In King County, in the period , the same pattern held. Of newcomers to the county, furthermore, most were from other countries, not other states. In counties to the north and south of King County, by contrast, migrants outnumbered births.
Seattle Times , March 17, , A1, A To gain perspective, one needs look at population flows between Washington and California over longer periods of time. People move toward economic opportunity. The two states have tended to send people back and forth, generally depending upon the health of their respective aerospace and other industry. Between and , Washington sent seventy 70 fewer people to California than California sent to it!
Prior to that, the flow had mostly gone in the other direction. The U. In sum, while Californians have certainly been a part of the growth in population in Washington state since , it is easy to overestimate their numbers, and also their influence. It has also been easy to mistake the in-migration of Californians as a quite recent phenomenon. Nonetheless, Californians are seen as an important source of social problems.
Let me suggest one speculative reason why. Fourth, in identifying an influx of people from California as the cause of a variety of problems, people from western Washington and probably from Oregon, too have found a scapegoat to blame for problems that they have themselves created. It is easy to assign blame for a wide variety of ills to an outsider, someone who is readily identified as different.
But in truth it is usually not the outsider who has caused all the trouble. More than anyone else, Washingtonians are responsible for the conditions attributed to Californians. It is people from this state who are buying most of the new cars and houses, using most of the roads, having most of the babies, and committing most of the crimes. Moreover, if newcomers are arriving, it is in large part because Washington employers such as Microsoft and Boeing and state universities are recruiting them here to join expanding work forces.
Most people from the Evergreen State cheer on their homegrown employers, which form the basis for their prosperity.
But they seldom pause to ask whether these organizations�not new arrivals from out of state�ought to share more of the responsibility for the urban ills so commonly blamed on Californians. Fifth, newcomers to the state, including those from California, contribute to Washington in valuable ways, as the case of greater Seattle illustrates.
Boeing, Microsoft and the University of Washington could hardly thrive without luring skilled and educated employees from out of state; the local economy depends upon an influx of talented people, and many of them come from California. Think about the diversity of peoples�so essential to an urban and urbane existence�that arises as a result of immigration. Moreover, it may be that the people moving here from elsewhere share our values more than we think they do.
Many, of course, had little choice in the matter�the Army sent them here, their spouse got a job here, and so on. But a good number have said that they came because they liked the natural environment of the area and the amenities of urban life on Puget Sound. In other words, they appreciate the very things that we value so highly about our place of residence.
Sixth, and finally, I would argue that the recent anti-Californian sentiments perpetuate an ugly form of bigotry that has long characterized Pacific Northwest history. White Pacific Northwesterners at times formally prohibited as well as informally discouraged African-American migration to the region.
They warred against and dispossessed Indian groups. They lobbied the federal government to exclude Chinese and Japanese immigrants, and they forcibly expelled the Chinese from some towns during the s, and outlawed ownership of land by Japanese immigrants in the s.
Most Northwsterners supported incarceration of all people of Japanese descent during World War Two, and many lobbied to keep them away from the region after the war. The Ku Klux Klan attained considerable power in the region during the s, and in Oregon almost enacted legislation, aimed at immigrants, designed to outlaw parochial schools. During the s and s, white supremacist groups were attracted to the Pacific Northwest because it had fewer people of color than other parts of the country, and the goal of an exclusively white population seemed more attainable there.
There is, in short, a long and unfinished record of people in the Pacific Northwest trying to define the region in exclusive, racial terms.
It is not a proud legacy. One might think that the more recent hostility toward Californians is different. After all, the hypothetical Californians who have attracted so much attention in recent years have tended to be white and relatively affluent. Trying to make a virtue out of necessity, boosters attempted to explain why investors and immigrants should prefer Seattle over California. The entire United States, with the exception of the Pacific Northwest, is not well adapted for the permanent survival of the Nordic races, but is better suited for the darker types.
I would argue that perceptions of Californians during the s and s have continued the trend. Stereotypes of people assumed to be different have consistently offered a way to help define the Pacific Northwest as a region and to provide it with a sense of identity, but they have done so at considerable expense. Like any stereotype, they have grossly misunderstood and dehumanized the people they have been meant to portray. Moreover, like any stereotype, these perceptions have generally been based on imperfect information.
They have assigned blame for problems mistakenly, and they have helped to perpetuate unrealistic understandings of the causes of those problems. Finally, they have helped to distort the meaning of the region by distorting the knowledge of its own history. Northwest Coast Indian Graphics.
Seattle, University of Washington Press, The previous lesson asks who belongs in the Pacific Northwest, and addresses the question by considering the image of Californians, who have come to serve as a rallying point for people in Washington, Idaho, and Oregon. Many residents from these three states, who hardly see eye to eye on every issue, have in recent years tended to agree upon a mutual aversion to Californians. Their stereotypical views of people from the Golden State may not have been accurate, but they have nonetheless contributed to a stronger sense of regional identity.
People in the Pacific Northwest seem to know who they are because they have a strong if largely dubious sense of who they are not �Californians. Besides Californians, the other increasingly powerful foil for regional identity in recent years has been salmon. In this case, however, in contrast to Californians, salmon seem to stand for all that is good about the Pacific Northwest and perhaps all that appears to be endangered by the influx of people from south of the 42nd parallel.
The wild runs of Pacific salmon are an indigenous, homegrown species. Unlike recent immigrants, they are native to the Northwest. In fact, they are of nature itself, spawning in freshwater streams. Salmon appear to bind the region together by crossing the lines that divide it. For example, they live on both sides of the Cascade Mountains, and therefore stand as something that the eastern and western halves of the Northwest can claim in common.
Moreover, the salmon apparently cross human divides as well as geographic ones. Although Indians and non-Indians have fought one another for years over access to the runs of fish, the iconic salmon is something that the two groups share. One consequence is that artwork portraying the fish by both Indian and non-Indian artists has grown quite popular throughout the region. And much is made of the newfound cooperation between Indians and non-Indians as they cooperate in trying to save the dying runs of wild salmon.
In the world of symbols, the salmon are seen as uniting the Pacific Northwest. They have defined its history and its culture and hopefully its future. The symbol of the salmon, like the symbol of the Californian, has a lot of power in the Pacific Northwest. But like the symbolic Californian, the symbolic salmon probably masks or obscures more about the Pacific Northwest than it reveals. Behind the warm and fuzzy notion of Salmon Are Us lies a set of much more divisive issues.
Can the wild runs of salmon be saved? Can the region and the nation afford to spend what it will cost to save the threatened species? Who will gain and who will lose from plans to salvage runs of salmon?
The previous lesson asked who belongs in the Pacific Northwest. This lesson asks to whom the Pacific Northwest belongs. And, the implication is, all the people of the Northwest belong to it. Because preserving the salmon means preserving ourselves, we tend to assume that it is up to us to save the species of fish, and that what Pacific Northwesterners can manage to do about the salmon should and will be accepted by others.
Legal and political and economic realities, however, suggest otherwise. Saving the salmon is a matter much more complicated than having Northwesterners simply agree to preserve the species that they all love.
The answer to the question of to whom does the Pacific Northwest belong is equally complex. It confirms, of course, what is already widely known�the wild runs of salmon are disappearing. But it also raises another specter: if Washington cannot develop a credible plan to preserve endangered species of salmon, the federal government will step in and impose its own plan on the state.
The fear, of course, is that the federal government will prove insensitive to local needs. They suggest that the region belongs to its residents, not federal officials, and those residents ought to be permitted to solve their own problems.
Moreover, there is a long tradition of federal involvement in Pacific Northwest salmon. In a federal judge in Tacoma, George Boldt, handed down a landmark decision that interpreted treaties between Indians and the U. In this way, and many others, the federal government has long played a role in determining who gets what natural resources in the Pacific Northwest.
In spring , a court case filed in Oregon revealed the complexity of modern squabbles over salmon. The state of Oregon filed suit against the U. Oregon was supported by representatives from the state of Washington, and by environmental groups, commercial fishing interests, and even some federal agencies sympathetic to more salmon protection the Fish and Wildlife Service and the National Park Service.
Unified against the suit were other, more prominent agencies of the U. Each of the parties to the lawsuit, of course, had a different answer to the question of to whom does the region and its salmon belong. And, as if disagreements within and between the states of the Pacific Northwest were not enough, there have long been even wider disputes underway.
University of Washington Special Collections, Neg. Disputes over salmon anticipate a variety of historical questions to be covered in this course. At one time, Indian groups occupied the Pacific Northwest by themselves. They too disagreed among themselves over who controlled what parts of the region. When non-Indian peoples arrived to explore, exploit, and occupy the region, they came representing different European and North American nation states�Spain, Britain, Russia, the United States, and Canada all claimed at least a portion of the Pacific Northwest at some time.
They argued extensively over the question of to whom the Pacific Northwest belonged, seeing it as a matter of international rivalry. These nations also set about claiming territory from native peoples�resulting in, among other things, the treaties that reserved for Indians one-half of the commercial salmon catch.
Within the American part of the Pacific Northwest, territories and states evolved, each claiming a portion of the region and each establishing a distinctive government and a series of counties and towns. All of these occupations gave a variety of governments a claim to the Pacific Northwest.
Consider that the federal government owns Although Northwesterners may resent federal intervention in the salmon crisis and their other affairs, it is no accident that the U. It is the largest landholder, and it is obligated to protect and manage its lands in the interests of all fifty states, not just the Pacific Northwest. The powers of the federal government are further enhanced by its special relationship to certain lands.
Only the United States, for example, has the power to treat with Indian peoples, and the 2 million acres of Washington state set aside as Indian reservations as of are managed by Indians and federal agencies, not by state or local officials.
And only the federal government has the power to negotiate treaties with other nations, so when Washingtonians clash with British Columbians about land-use or salmon-rights issues, resolution of the dispute requires federal interaction with the nation of Canada. As another example, federal investment in the Columbia Basin Project and the various dams on the river and its tributaries give the U. When it considers the fate of salmon in that system, it must take into account the interests of all fifty states, and not just those of Oregon, Idaho, and Washington.
The federal government, of course, is hardly the only party to whom the Pacific Northwest belongs. The Evergreen State contains about 44 million acres; roughly half of those can be classified as forest land.
Slightly more than half of this forest land Forest Service owns and manages Bureau of Indian Affairs own another 8. Private owners possess Let us think a minute about the forest land owned by big companies. Most of those companies are publicly traded firms, with investors or shareholders located around the world.
The companies, and therefore the forest lands of Washington, are thus managed for the benefit not of residents of the Pacific Northwest but rather of those people who owns shares in the companies who own the forest land. In this way, too, much of Washington and the Pacific Northwest quite literally belongs to people who live outside the region. Because owners of forests are affected by the salmon problem erosion of forest land is one of the big contributors to destruction of salmon-spawning habitat , they have a stake and a voice in problem.
Parcels of the Pacific Northwest, in other words, quite literally belong to specific individuals and families. However, as land owners are increasingly finding out, their rights to the property they own are not unfettered.
Oregon had had similar laws on the books for more than twenty years. The new laws limited what private owners could do with their property. If a farmer wants to sell her land to a developer and retire to Arizona on the profits, or a timber company wishes to convert a forest into a housing development, the right to do so is now limited.
The state has determined, in other words, that it and all its residents have a heightened interest in how land is to be used; to prevent injury to the environment it is prepared to interfere with what owners of land can do with their property, which clearly can reduce the value of that property. In response to this abridgment of property rights, land owners in the eastern portions of King, Snohomish, Skagit, and Whatcom counties are talking about seceding and forming their own counties in order to escape the less permissive land-use regimes associated with big urban areas and liberal environmental voters.
As the meaning of property lines changes, some people want to redraw political lines, too. All of this is to say that the question of to whom does Washington belong is a complicated one. Moreover, even if the salmon issue were left up solely to residents of the Pacific Northwest, those residents are so obviously divided among themselves that they would find it very hard to arrive at a consensus that would do the salmon much good.
Intervention by federal officials may prove quite useful�although there are no guarantees of that. Whether they like it or not, people in the Pacific Northwest ought to be used to the influence of outsiders. For much of its history, the region has struggled to deal with the fact that external entities have exerted significant power over it.
Since we have been discussing the matter of regional identity, let me offer two examples relating to the topic. To make it stand for an idea. Another outside power, the federal government, contributed to the sense of region, too. It also created an agency specifically for the region�the Plywood Canoe Plans Pdf 32 Bonneville Power Administration�when it began marketing the kilowatts generated by federally funded and managed dams on the Columbia River during the s. Like the railroad companies, the federal government had less intrinsic attachment to specific states and localities of the Northwest; it instead saw the region as a single hydroelectric system to be managed, and like the railroads it forced the disparate parts of the Northwest to coordinate with one another more than they ever had.
In other words, the whole concept of the Pacific Northwest is to a large extent the invention of outsiders , of people whose offices were in Washington, D. Paul, Minnesota, rather than in the Pacific Northwest itself. The idea of a region has been somewhat imposed on us. Let me conclude by restating that the meanings so popular today make more sense at a symbolic level than they do in actuality. I have suggested already that there are problems with portraying the Pacific Northwest as the antithesis of California.
Washington, of all the states in the American West, most resembles the Golden State�in its urban orientation, its high-tech industry, its reliance on U.
I propose, in fact, that Washington is more like California than it is like Oregon. Let me suggest as well that there are problems with employing salmon as the regional icon. They even spawn in California and the Great Lakes!
Yet there are some parts of Washington, Idaho, and Oregon where the salmon have never been able to get to, unless they are trucked in, because some watersheds such as those in southeastern Oregon that are part of the landlocked Great Basin cannot support anadromous fish.
Salmon are thus an imperfect marker of regional identity. How much longer they will enjoy such a luxury is open to question. Learning to Fish in the Northwest left A Northwest child poses with a freshly caught salmon. Princessa Real , ship of Manuel Quimper, , right. Drawings by Hewitt Jackson. Russian expeditions to Alaska spur Spanish voyages to the Northwest Coast:.
British expeditions to Northwest Coast search for the Northwest Passage, discover the rich trade in sea otter pelts, and challenge Spanish claims to the region:. Click on the map icon, right, to see a larger view of British explorations Nootka Sound Affair, United States efforts on the Northwest Coast:. In the century between the s and the s, different nations competed with one another, and with native peoples, to take control over the area that is today known as the American Pacific Northwest and the west coast of Canada.
In one sense this competition had begun in , when Columbus landed in the New World, claimed it for Spain, and inaugurated a European rivalry for territory. Over the next two years, the Pope responded to the discovery and the threat of competition over it essentially by dividing the western hemisphere into Spanish and Portuguese zones of influence, and assigning the Pacific Northwest to Spain.
Yet Europeans would not actually see Alaska and the Pacific Northwest until the 18th century, when their ambitions spurred one another to explore the territory. The contest ended in , when the Americans and British divided most of the region between themselves by drawing a boundary between Canada and the United States at the 49th parallel; another key event occurred when Russia sold Alaska to the United States in This long span of time illustrates just how isolated the region once was from European centers of power.
The period marked an especially intense era in this rivalry, for it was when sailors from different nations first visited the lands between Alaska to the north and California to the south, and engaged their countries directly in a contest over who would control the territory.
The Spanish arrived first, in exploratory voyages of and , and performed ritual acts of possession that asserted their claim to the territory. The British soon followed, with the first ship arriving in and many more coming thereafter. Other nations also made appearances in this period: the United States, a relatively weak Plywood Canoe Plans Pdf Version competitor, showed up belatedly; Russia coveted lands south of Alaska but never really established an effective claim to any except at Fort Ross in California, between and ; and France sent only a single exploratory expedition in this era.
But Spain and Great Britain were the main contestants, and the nature and outcome of their rivalry loom large in understanding the European forces increasingly at work on the coast of the Pacific Northwest. Entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca left. John Meares, Voyages made in the Years London, Atlas, plate 7.
Sketch by T. Between the time of Columbus and the later 18th century, Spain was the most successful colonial power in the Americas, occupying most of the coasts of Central and South America as well as the Gulf of Mexico, and extracting enormous wealth from such places as Mexico and Peru.
When Russian voyages to Alaska in the s and s threatened the North Pacific coastline that Spain claimed, they motivated Spain to send expeditions to the Northwest Coast, as well as to establish missions, forts, and towns along the California coast.
But Spanish interest in the lands that would become Plywood Canoe Plans Pdf Verification the west coast of the United States and Canada was not initially focused on its economic potential or prospective harbors. Consider how Spanish officials in Mexico justified the exploratory voyages of the mids. First, they used religion to explain their presence along the Northwest Coast. Second, they also claimed that the Indians would do much better as Spanish vassals than as vassals of England or Russia.
The Spanish insisted that they were not sailing to the Northwest Coast simply to expand their territory. And in truth, they were having enough trouble as it was trying to populate the northern frontier of Mexico, including California; they had no interest in trying to send settlers to the Pacific Northwest, or in trying to develop its economic resources.
It is important to understand that the Spanish did not sail north from Mexico seeking economic resources or good harbors. They never sent any traders to the Northwest coast, or even any missionaries to the Indians there. They simply meant to assert a right to the territory, in the hope that reinforcing their claim dating from the s would somehow prevent or discourage other European powers from doing the same thing.
The ceremonial nature of this assertion�landing at a few selected points on the coast, erecting a cross, burying a bottle containing official documents at the foot of the cross, and then departing�suggests just how limited their vision of colonizing the territory was. Moreover, the Spanish found it quite difficult, given the limited means of its navy, actually to sail northward along the coast from Mexico.
In the end, they could and would not mount a claim to the region in a way that we today, and that other nations at that time, would recognize as assertive. But this does not mean that the Spanish were lethargic colonists; it suggests rather that their attention lay elsewhere, especially in Mexico, from which they had been extracting wealth aggressively for more than two centuries.
Area displayed is from Cape Gregory to Cape Edgcombe. Consider by contrast the British approach to the Northwest. As Schwantes explains pp. But as soon as the British discovered�again, almost by accident�the economic value of sea otter pelts to Chinese markets, they hustled back to the Northwest Coast to do more trading and exploring.
The Spanish sent only a handful of expeditions from Mexico to the Pacific Northwest between and ; these vessels came to claim, defend, and explore the territory, but never to do business there.
The British, by contrast, sent 25 vessels in the decade ; all but a few of them went primarily to participate in the maritime fur trade. In contrast to the Spanish, the British were on the lookout for economic resources and good harbors almost from the beginning of their exposure to the Pacific Northwest, and they approached colonization of the territory more aggressively. The crisis started in when Spaniards tried to defend their claims to the territory by capturing British trading vessels as they arrived at Nootka Sound, on the west coast of Vancouver Island.
The British seized upon this incident, and talked about going to war over it, because they saw it as an opportunity to promote a different approach to colonization in the Americas. Spain should not be permitted simply to claim territory and prevent other Europeans from doing the same, the British argued, unless it was actually occupying and making use of the territory. Rather than rely upon the edict of the Pope or some ritual act of possession to assert control over territory, it insisted, relatively unoccupied lands ought to be accessible to any nation that could make productive i.
This concept of colonization was written into the Nootka Sound Convention signed in , amended in , which resolved the controversy between Britain and Spain. These new rules, of course, clearly favored Britain over Spain. It depended heavily upon big and rather inflexible institutions�especially the crown, the military, and the Catholic church�and offered little in the way of incentives or opportunities to common individuals. Its mercantilist economic thinking emphasized the accumulation of bullion in Spain.
Great Britain, by contrast, had traveled further down the path of modern capitalism. It was much more commercial and industrial in its orientation, and therefore more capable of manufacturing and transporting trade goods to the Americas. For what it is worth, Britain was also a Protestant nation, in contrast to Catholic Spain, and a stronger maritime power. Rainier from the south part of Admiralty Inlet right. Sketch by John Sykes.
University of Washington Special Collections. After signing the convention in , each nation sent envoys to Vancouver Island to implement locally the terms of the agreement. The British sent Vancouver, who had sailed to the Northwest under Cook in During this voyage, Vancouver and his crew undertook detailed exploration of the Northwest coastline that included a tour approximately miles up the Columbia River as well as the first recorded non-native visit to Puget Sound.
Accompanying Vancouver aboard his two ships were a number of individuals, including Peter Puget, who also left accounts of what they saw and thought. At roughly the same time, Spanish explorers were also sizing up the region anew. Initially, the Spanish reacted to the Nootka Sound convention by establishing a more active presence in the vicinity that included sending more vessels northward from Mexico. He thus accompanied Cook on his visit to the Northwest Coast in Following nine years of service in the West Indies the British government assigned to him a three-fold mission: to implement the Nootka Sound Convention, to explore the Pacific waters of North America, and to locate a Northwest Passage through British North America.
Vancouver commanding the Discovery , and William Broughton on the Chatham , left England on April 1, and sighted the west coast of North America in April of , close to the time when the American Robert Gray first located the mouth of the Columbia River. He also strengthened British claims to the territory and left behind detailed records of the coastline for later navigators. His account suggests that he was constantly aware of his Spanish and American rivals. Vancouver returned to England on October 20, , and died in at the age of forty.
Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, Engraving of Astoria , the fur trading post established by the Astor Party. Philadelphia, Lea and Blanchard, Sketched by A. Agate, engraved by Rawdon, Wright and Hatch. United States gained independence from Great Britain, Louisiana Purchase , , acquired for the U. Lewis and Clark Expedition explored overland from St. Louis across the Rockies to the mouth of the Columbia River, , staking U. By the end of , however, the enterprise sold out to the North West Company and was also captured by a British naval vessel as a prize in the War of Engraving of a Sea Otter right.
Plate Sketch by John Webber. When Spain and England were sending the first exploring expeditions to the Northwest Coast, the United States was breaking away from Britain and winning its independence. The new republic was certainly more like Britain than Spain, in terms of its political and economic orientations.
But it had substantially fewer resources, than did Great Britain, that it could devote to colonization. For example, it did not have the well-capitalized trading companies that Britain had, and it did not have a powerful navy or a maritime tradition of exploration.
Consequently, its approach to the Northwest Coast was initially somewhat hesitant and limited. But when Spain and particularly Britain became preoccupied with the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon in Europe between and , the United States seized the opening and became more active in the region.
It especially pursued the sea otter trade there. Whereas Britain sent twelve trading vessels to the Northwest Coast between and , the U. After , however, the British reasserted themselves in the region�primarily through the land-based fur trade�and until the s ranked as the prevailing colonial power there.
American activities in the Pacific Northwest between and , then, represented mostly a temporary phase of colonization. During this phase, the U. But these claims did not represent systematic and long-term colonization�in large part because the United States was not yet in a position to undertake such expansion. Rather, U. One was commerce, and the other was nationalistic exploration.
American ships took the lead in the maritime fur trade off the Northwest Coast in the s. Based and financed out of Boston, for the most part, these vessels brought trade goods to exchange with Indians for sea otter pelts. From the Northwest Coast the ships went to China, where they exchanged the pelts for such goods as tea, silks, and spices.
From China the ships returned to Boston, where they sold the Chinese imports at profits that made the entire voyage worthwhile. In these expeditions, American traders were taking advantage of an area of the world where resources seemed accessible.
Upon leaving the British empire, the United States was excluded from trading in places where American colonists had traded before. The fur trade of the Northwest Coast represented an opportunity where Americans did not need to contest other entrenched powers.
However, these traders were often narrow-minded in their approach to the Pacific Northwest. Claiming territory on behalf of the United States, for instance, was not uppermost in their minds. But Gray was a businessman, not an explorer. The idea of claiming Northwest lands for the U. A few other Americans, however, had more nationalistic ambitions in mind. One of them was Thomas Jefferson, whose concern about exploration resulted in the U.
He had a strong interest in what resources the continent might offer to Americans and others, and he also worried that the young nation needed an ample supply of land to accommodate the agrarian aspirations of himself and others.
Long before he became President in , Jefferson worked to get Americans to explore westward and contest the expansionist efforts of its rivals. In , at the close of the Revolution, he asked war hero George Rogers Clark to lead an expedition across the lands between the Mississippi River and the Pacific Ocean. In , while serving as U. Map of the Louisiana Purchase left. In Jefferson secured the Louisiana Purchase , by which the U. Also, between and , Jefferson dispatched the Lewis and Clark Expedition , which traveled from Saint Louis to the mouth of the Columbia and back.
Traveling by land across the northern plains, Rockies, and Columbia basin, Lewis and Clark staked an ever stronger American claim to the Pacific Northwest. American fur traders followed Lewis and Clark into and across the Rockies, the most famous of whom were representatives of the Pacific Fur Company of John Jacob Astor, who established a post at Astoria in and additional posts along the Columbia thereafter.
The Louisiana Purchase, Lewis and Clark expedition, and Astorian venture were crucial for establishing an American presence in the Pacific Northwest: the Louisiana Purchase made the Pacific Northwest contiguous with the other territories and states of the union, meaning that it would be increasingly easier for migrants and traders to come by land to the Northwest Coast; Lewis and Clark and the Astorians strengthened American claims to the northern Rockies and the Columbia basin. Moreover, these three events also marked a new are in physical approaches to the region.
Rather than arrive by sea, as Perez and Cook and Vancouver had done, Lewis and Clark and some of the Astorians arrived by land. Exploration had now moved on shore, as it were, and away from the salt water. The fur trade, too, was moving on shore, as the Astorians and others increasingly sought beaver and buffalo skins instead of sea otter pelts. It must be noted that British fur traders operating in Canada had also begun exploring to the coast overland in , when Alexander Mackenzie of the North West Company crossed the Rockies and followed the Bella Coola River to the British Columbia coast.
Simon Fraser and David Thompson would continue these inland explorations in the years Lewis and Clark were merely the first Americans to cross the continent south of Canada and north of Mexico.
Although U. Rather, while the Astorians and the Lewis and Clark expedition staked important claims to the territory for the U. Lewis and Clark came, catalogued the resources of the country, and left. The Astorians set up posts along the Columbia and conducted both trade and exploration, but they were bought out by a British rival, the North West Company, and their post at Astoria was also seized by the British navy during the War of By , in effect, the British had reasserted dominance among colonizing powers in the region, and the Americans were forced mostly to withdraw and bide their time.
British military and financial might help explain this outcome. Its navy was stronger, and its experience and capital in the fur trade were greater. All the U. A Native cedar plank home on Nootka Sound, s. The maritime fur trade, although often overlooked in textbooks, was a crucial phase in the early history of the Pacific Northwest. But the most important aspect of the maritime fur trade was that it brought natives and non-natives into immediate and close contact, with profound ramifications for both peoples and for regional history.
Tatoosh and Wife, Neah Bay, right. These engravings after early drawings show some of the bold patterning of Northwest Coast native art. Neah Bay is now the site of the Makah reservation. Madrid, Sketch by Jose Cardero. It is important to keep in mind that direct contact with non-natives was not the only source of change among Indian peoples.
Before Europeans migrated to North America, native societies underwent modification as their cultures evolved, as climates changed, and as contact with one another introduced new cultural elements. Once Europeans began colonizing North America after , native societies were affected by a more accelerated pace of change. Even tribes in the Pacific Northwest, quite isolated from sites of European colonization elsewhere, were affected by that colonization.
Before Europeans arrived on the Northwest Coast in , the diseases and livestock they had imported elsewhere to North America had already reached local Indian groups traveling between native peoples rather than directly from Europeans to natives. Nonetheless, the onset of the maritime fur trade accelerated the pace of change by heightening the amount of interaction between different peoples. That Indians and non-Indians structured their initial relations with one another around trade was critical.
Although there would be numerous conflicts between the two peoples, and although each party to the trade toiled to coerce including through violence or manipulate others in a variety of ways, the maritime fur trade on the Northwest Coast was a realm in which Indians and non-Indians needed one another. European and American traders who sailed from afar needed Indians because Indians were the only ones who could provide the desired pelts.
In other words, Indians monopolized the supply of fur by hunting the pelts themselves something non-Indians never really learned or by acquiring them by purchase or by theft from other Indians. At the same time, Indians with furs to trade needed the non-native traders, who monopolized a new supply of exchange goods that was coveted for its ability to enrich native society.
Various articles from the Nootka Sound, as sketched by John Webber. These artifacts show the skill of natives in using wood, one of their chief resources, and combining it with other materials such as feathers and walrus whiskers. Atlas, Plate Within the cultures of Northwest Coast native peoples, trade with European and American ships was welcomed because it added wealth to economies that placed great emphasis upon the accumulation and disposal of wealth.
Heads of households, and entire families, attained prestige through their ability to give away wealth, particularly in ceremonies known as potlatches. This drive to attain social status be disposing of property resulted in a pervasive cultural imperative to acquire possessions. When European and American traders arrived, eager themselves to acquire possessions in the form of sea otter pelts, materialistic natives jumped at the chance to acquire the manufactured goods, especially made of metal, that the traders offered in exchange.
These goods, to which Indians mostly had not had access before, represented wealth in themselves, as in the cases of pieces of copper that could be made into jewelry or blankets that could be given or traded to other Indians.
In other words, natives engaged in the fur trade and related activities because they saw this form of exchange as a way to enrich themselves and their culture. Rather, they saw the maritime fur trade as a way to enrich their Indian ways of life. Northwest Coast natives were not simply passive victims of European and American capitalism.
Already accustomed to trading before the arrival of non-natives, they saw in European and American maritime traders an opportunity to improve their lives.
To a certain extent, furthermore, many Indians were able to shape the trade so that it took place largely on their terms. For example, at Nootka Sound the European traders initially tried to conduct business aboard their ships; over time, however, the natives moved the trade on shore, to their own turf, and drew it out over a few days in keeping with their customs.
The Indians also became more sophisticated about the prices they charged, gradually demanding more and better goods in exchange for sea otter pelts.
They learned to wait until two or more trading ships arrived, and got European traders to bid against each other, thus driving prices higher. Such tactics demonstrated a people adept at trading and capable of maximizing benefits from it. Some scholars have suggested further that Northwest Coast Indians gained through the trade because their acquisition of metal goods enriched their wood carving and other artwork.
Haida Slate Pipes, right. These pipes are carved from argylite, a carbonaceous slate found in a single quarry on Queen Charlotte Island. Presently, only members of the Haida tribe are allowed to collect the mineral. University of Washington Special Collections Although it is clear that Indians were not simply victimized by the maritime fur trade, it remains important to point out that it did not simply bring unalloyed benefits.
For one thing, some native groups clearly profited more than others. Different groups of Indians tried to monopolize the trade with Europeans for themselves and drive other native competitors away. Most bands that did a lot of trading did not acquire the majority of pelts by themselves, but rather traded with or raided other Indian groups for them. Scotland and Northern Ireland have separate but similar schemes. Pellets are widely used in Sweden, the main pellet producer in Europe, [27] mainly as an alternative to oil-fired central heating.
In Italy, a large market for automatically fed pellet stoves has developed. Italy's main usage for pellets is small-scale private residential and industrial boilers for heating. In in Germany the overall wood pellet consumption per year comprised 2,2 mln tones. These pellets are consumed predominantly by residential small scale heating sector. The co-firing plants which use pellet sector for energy production are not widespread in the country.
The largest amount of wood pellets is certified with DINplus and these are the pellets of the highest quality. As a rule, the pellets of lower quality are exported. The total sales of wood pellets in New Zealand was 3�, tonnes in Recent construction of new wood pellet plants has given a huge increase in production capacity. Some companies import European-made boilers.
As of , about , Americans were using wood pellets for heat. When small amounts of water are added to wood pellets, they expand and revert to sawdust. This makes them suitable to use as a horse bedding. The ease of storage and transportation are additional benefits over traditional bedding. However, some species of wood, including walnut, can be toxic to horses and should never be used for bedding. In Thailand , rice husk pellets are being produced for animal bedding.
They have a high absorption rate which makes them ideal for the purpose. The biomass pellets made from edible matter can also be used as cattle fodder by importing from far away fodder surplus places to overcome the fodder shortage. Wood pellets are also used to absorb contaminated water when drilling oil or gas wells. Wood pellet grills have gained popularity as a versatile way to grill, bake, and smoke. The size of the pellets makes it useful for creating a wood fired grill that still controls its temperature precisely.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from Wood pellet. Main article: Pellet stove. Main article: Global warming. Energy portal Renewable energy portal. Alternate Energy. Retrieved 16 February Archived from the original on 11 June Archived from the original on 3 January Retrieved 25 November October 17, Retrieved October 23, Biofuel Resource. Retrieved 13 January News from Vattenfall. Retrieved 1 June Archived from the original on 8 October Walker, T.
Brunswick, Maine. Retrieved Archived from the original on 23 January Retrieved 30 December Jerry Whitfield". Retrieved 31 March IEA Task Archived from the original PDF on 25 April Biomass Energy Resource Center.
Retrieved 23 January University of Illinois. Archived from the original PDF on 18 July Retrieved 8 December Archived from the original on Retrieved 10 January Bib; Staffan Melinc; Alessandra Bonolia. Archived from the original PDF on Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews. Renewable Energy. WIP Renewable Energies. Archived from the original on April 26, Retrieved 11 December US EPA.
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